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1968 Rahutused Chicagos demokraatide rahvuskongressil

1968 Rahutused Chicagos demokraatide rahvuskongressil


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1968. aasta demokraatlikku rahvuskongressi peetakse Vietnami ajastu üheks olulisemaks kultuuri- ja poliitikalaineks. Delegaadid tülitsesid purustatud Demokraatliku Partei ideoloogilise tuleviku pärast, samal ajal kui Chicago tänavatel võitlesid sõjavastased meeleavaldajad ja politsei.


Demokraatlik rahvuskongress Chicagos 1968 Ajaloo essee

Kui 1968. aasta demokraatlik rahvuskonvent lõpuks saabus, oli rahvas segaduses. Inimesed olid vihased Vietnami sõja ja kahe silmapaistva juhi, Martin Luther King Jr ja Robert Kennedy mõrva pärast. Väljaspool konventsiooni möllas vägivald meeleavaldajate ja politsei vahel. Konvendi põrandal vaidlesid delegaadid ja järgnes üldine melu. Paljud demokraadid pidasid oma kaotuse peapõhjuseks 1968. aasta demokraatliku rahvuskongressi kaost. Chicago DNC näitas aasta pettumust ja selle konventsiooni ajaloolist mõju võib näha ka täna (REWORD). MUUDA ESIMENE PARAAMP, et muuta see paremaks, SÕNA

1964. aastal saavutas Lyndon Johnson USA ajaloo suurima rahvahääletuse võidu (Lyndon B. Johnson.) Esimese ametiaja jooksul koges ta palju edu. Ta lõi kodumaise programmi nimega “Great Society. (Lyndon B. Johnson). Ta lubas võidelda vaesusevastase sõjaga ja luua palju edukaid programme. Ta lõi programmi VISTA (Volunteers in Service to America), programmi Head Start –, mis võimaldab madala sissetulekuga koolieelikutel koolis käia, toidutalongide programmi ja paljud teised (Lyndon Johnson ja Great Society). Tema eesistumise edenedes tema populaarsus vähenes. See oli suuresti tingitud Vietnami sõjast.

Vietnami sõda, mille Johnson pälvis John F. Kennedyl, tekitas võimuloleku ajal pingeid ja poliitilisi murranguid. 1967. aasta lõpuks oli Vietnamis üle 500 000 Ameerika sõduri. (Simon). President Johnson rääkis Ameerika rahvale jätkuvalt, et sõda võidetakse, kuid meedia jätkuva kajastamise korral nägid riigi inimesed, et see pole nii. Kui kommunistlikud Vietcongi väed alustasid 1968. aasta veebruari Teti rünnaku ajal rünnakuid Lõuna -Vietnami suurte linnade vastu, suurenes kriitika (Simon). Inimesed uskusid, et sõda on võitmatu. Pärast Vietcongi vägede tungimist USA saatkonda Saigonis väitis Johnsoni administratsioon, et sõda on võimalik võita vaid Lõuna -Vietnami juurde lisades veel mitusada tuhat sõdurit. Pärast Tet -rünnakut langes Johnsoni heakskiit alla 35% (Chicago lühike ajalugu ja 1968. aasta demokraatlik konventsioon). Johnsoni salateenistus ei lubanud tal esineda ülikoolides, sest tema demograafia oli selles suhtes väga ebapopulaarne.

Kuna Johnson oli valitud ainult üks kord, võimaldas 22. muudatus tal uuesti teiseks ametiajaks kandideerida (1968: konventsioon kriisis). Paljud demokraatlikud poliitikud kõhklesid teda vaidlustamast. Senaator Eugene McCarthy, kellel oli sõja suhtes tugev seisukoht, otsustas siiski esikohavalimistel püsti tõusta ja Johnsoni vastu kandideerida. McCarthyl oli hästi üles ehitatud baas noorte valijate seas, kes olid sõja vastu. Senaator Kennedy teatas oma kandidatuurist neli päeva hiljem, 16. märtsil (Chicago lühike ajalugu ja 1968. aasta demokraatlik konventsioon). Paljud Kennedy toetajad, kes olid teda julgustanud varem kandideerima, tundsid end reedetuna, et kandideerimisotsus võttis tal nii kaua aega. McCarthy toetajad arvasid, et ta on jooksmise reetur, kellel on võimalus McCarty hääled ära võtta. Kennedyl ei läinud aga kaua aega populaarsust koguda, eriti vähemusvalijate puhul (Robert Kennedy Biograafia).

31. märtsil pöördus Johnson rahva poole. Ta ütles: "Ma ei taotle ja ma ei nõustu oma erakonna nimetamisega uueks ametiajaks teie presidendiks (Farber)." Humphrey ei osalenud eelvalimistel, kuid ta sai paljude demokraatide delegaatide toetuse (Valimised 1968). Humphrey ei saanud aga noorte toetust. Teda peeti Johnsoni poliitika ja muu sõja pikenduseks, mis põhjustas nii palju viha, vägivalda ja surma.

Kaks sündmust, millel oli aasta meeleolus suur roll, olid kodanikuõiguste juhi Martin Luther King Jr ja demokraatliku kandidaadi Robert Kennedy mõrvad. 4. aprillil, Memphis, TN, Lorraine'i motellis oma toa rõdul seistes lasti maha Martin Luther King Jr (Martin Luther King Jr. mõrvati). Pärast seda mõrva levisid rahutused üle kogu riigi. Kokku oli 168 mässu, 3000 arreteeriti, 20 000 vigastati ja korra taastamiseks kutsuti 55 000 sõdurit (1968 Chicago Race Riot). Chicagos lõhkusid mässulised aknad, rüüstasid kauplusi ja süütasid hooned. Chicago lõpus sai üks tuletõrjuja tulekahjust haavata, hukkus kaksteist tsiviilisikut ja hävis 170 hoonet. See tekitas miljoneid dollareid kahju ja jättis üle 1000 inimese kodutuks (Groves).

Mõni tund pärast California eelvalimist 5. juunil 1968 mõrvati Robert Kennedy. Kurjategija Sirhan Sirhan tulistas teda lähedalt pähe. Kennedy viidi Hea Samaaria haiglasse, kus ta järgmisel hommikul suri (Robert F. Kennedy mõrv). Uudistejaamad olid sel ajal kohal ja kuigi tegelik tulistamine jäädvustati ainult helisalvestisena, olid tagajärjed kogu uudise ulatuses. Kui tulistamine juhtus, olid uudistejaamad juba alla kirjutanud. CBS ’s Roger Mudd, kes oli tulistamise ajal pallisaalis, sai märku mees, kes jooksis köögist välja, hoides sõrme pea kohal nagu relv ja karjus “bang bang bang. ” Mudd oli hirmul, kui ta koos meeskonnaga kööki jooksis (What Was Going On.). Selleks ajaks, kui NBC, CBS ja ABC suutsid oma filmi töödelda ja eetrisse oli läinud peaaegu kaks tundi. Inimesed olid uudiseid vaadates laastatud ja vihased. Paljud nägid Kennedyt juhina, kes toob neile vajaliku muutuse. Ta võeti neilt julmalt.

Sel ajal loodi protestimiseks ja ühtsuseks palju rühmitusi. Paljud neist rühmitustest väljendasid ahastust selle aasta vägivaldsete sündmuste pärast ning töötasid ka tulevaste väljakutsete, näiteks DNC vastu. Rahvusvaheline noortepartei ehk Yippies oli suur rühm. Enne DNC-d lõid Yippies New Yorgis “yip-in ” ja “yip-out ” (Chicago lühike ajalugu ja 1968. aasta demokraatlik konventsioon). Nendel üritustel oli elav muusika ja nende eesmärk oli edendada rahu, armastust ja harmooniat. Need pidid olema ka kohtuprotsessiks sündmustele, mida nad kavandasid Chicago DNC jaoks.

Üritusel “ Yip-in ” riputati seina külge anarhistliku grupi bänner. See näitas sõnu “Up vastu seina Ema persse. ” (Kodu) Algul oli politsei rahumeelne ja tegi Yippidega nalja. Hiljem ronisid jippid kella ja eemaldasid käed. Politsei oli ärritunud ja kustutas jaama, sundides end läbi vareste (Kodu). Nende Yip-out üritus möödus palju rahulikumalt. Nad pidasid seda märgiks, et nad olid DNC (Farber) jaoks paremini ette valmistatud. Nad pidasid kõnesid, pidasid miitinguid ja kirjutasid artikleid, milles teatasid oma kohalolekust DNC ​​-s. Yippies soovis kindlalt väita, et nad on sõja ja Hubert Humphrey kui kandidaadi vastu.

Teine suur rühm, kes osales DNC protestides, oli Vietnami sõja lõpetamise riiklik mobilisatsioonikomitee ehk MOBE. MOBE oli paljude sõjavastaste rühmituste koalitsioon. Seda juhtis täitevnõukogu, mis saatis kutseid rohkem kui 500 väikesele sõltumatule grupile oma meililistides (riikliku mobiliseerimiskomitee dokumendid). See koordineeriks tegevusi suurte rahvahulkade ja tohutute projektide loomiseks. MOBE toetas igat tüüpi meeleavaldusi alates marsist kuni kodanikuallumatuseni. MOBE esimees David Dellinger ütles, et kalduvus tugevdada sõjakust ilma laialdast poliitilist toetust korraldamata on iseenesestmõistetav. Kuid samamoodi on kalduvus sõjategevusest leebematele ja põhilistele tavapärastele protestivormidele liikuda. ” (Farber) MOBE marssalid olid abiks igale rühmale nende teatud tüüpi protestide korraldamisel. MOBE korraldas palju edukaid meeleavaldusi. Esimene neist oli Pentagoni marss, mis toimus Lincolni mälestusmärgil (riikliku mobiliseerimiskomitee dokumendid). MOBE oli konventsioonil kavandanud suuremahulisi marsse.

DNC protestid ei olnud suur üllatus. Paljud demokraadid tahtsid kolida oma konvendi Miamisse, kus vabariiklased pidasid oma kandidatuuri. Demokraate ei muretsenud mitte ainult vägivaldsed meeleavaldused, vaid ka Chicagos aset leidnud telefonistreik, mis võib põhjustada tehnilisi probleeme (Brief History Of Chicago ’s 1968 Democratic Convention). Telejaamad soovisid ürituse ka Miamisse kolida. Televisiooni- ja telefoniliinid olid juba vabariiklaste konvendipaigas üles seatud. Chicagos toimunud telefonilöök piiraks telekaamerate kasutamist siseruumides. Kui jäädvustatud materjal võetaks välja, tuleks see enne eetrisse jõudmist töödelda, mis võtaks rohkem aega (Brief History Of Chicago ’s 1968 Democratic Convention). Linnapea Richard J. Daley oli ärritunud üleskutsetest asukoha muutmiseks. Ta nõudis, et konvent jääks Chicagosse. Ta ütles, et jõustab rahu ja ei luba käest meeleavaldusi (Johnson).

Major Daley tahtis olla valmis. Ta kutsus kokku jõud, et konventsiooni kaitsta. Väljaspool demokraatlikku rahvuskonventsiooni kohtusid sõjavastaste meeleavaldajatega konventsiooni 5 päeva jooksul 11 ​​900 Chicago politsei, 7500 sõjaväelase, 7500 Illinoisi rahvuskaardimehe ja 1000 salateenistusega (tagasi Chicagosse). Pühapäeval, 25. augustil algas vägivald. Sõjavastased meeleavaldajad üritasid Chicagost lube demonstreerida väljaspool konverentsiplatsi, kuid taotlused lükati tagasi. Kui park suleti, kolis Chicago politsei pisargaasi ja billy-klubidega, et meeleavaldajad pargist välja viia. Paljud meeleavaldajad said vigastada ja 17 teatasid, et politsei ründas ja ründas (1968: konventsioon kriisis).

Kolmapäeva on nimetatud politsei ja meeleavaldajate vahelise võitluse halvimaks päevaks. See on märgistatud kui Michigani avenüü lahing. ” Meedia registreeris suurt vägivalda. Politsei peksis rängalt läheduses seisvaid süütuid inimesi, ajakirjanikke ja abi pakkunud arste. Hotellidele mõjus politsei kasutatav pisargaas. Hotelli Conrad Hiltoni külalised, kus peatus palju delegaate, said tunda pisargaasi mõju. Pärast konventsiooni teatati 589 vahistamisest. Vigastuste hulgas oli 119 politseinikku ja 100 meeleavaldajat (Chicago lühike ajalugu ja 1968. aasta demokraatlik konventsioon).

Pinge oli ka amfiteatri sees. Sõjavastased delegaadid, kes toetasid Eugene McCarthy ja George McGovernit, olid Humphrey vastu igal võimalikul viisil. Nad vaidlustasid 15 delegatsiooni volikirja, mis on rekordarv. Connecticuti senaator Abraham Ribicoff pidas kõne, milles nimetas sõjavastase kandidaadi George McGovern. Ta väitis, et George McGoverniga Ameerika Ühendriikide presidendina ei oleks meil Chicago tänavatel Gestapo taktikat. ” (Johnson) Linnapea Daley oli raevukas. Tema vihane vastus dokumenteeriti televisioonis. Kaks päeva kestis vaidlus Vietnami-vastase sõjaplaani üle. Käsitleti kahte väga erinevat plaani. Üks toetas administratsiooni seisukohti ja teine ​​nõudis sõja lõpetamist ja vägede järkjärgulist väljaviimist. Administration ’s plank võitis 1527 häälega 1041 häälega (Johnson). See sõjavastase võidu ebaõnnestumine tekitas tänavatel veelgi rohkem viha. Humphrey toetajad suutsid lõpuks konventsiooni üle kontrolli saada ja ta võitis nominatsiooni.

Pärast konventsiooni arreteeriti 20. märtsil 1969. aastal kaheksa inimest. Need inimesed, tähistatud “ Chicago 8 ja#8221, said esimesed süüdistused 1968. aasta kodanikuõiguste seaduse (kodu) sätete alusel. Selle teoga muutus kuriteoks riigipiiride ületamine mässu esilekutsumiseks. David Dellinger oli Vietnami sõja lõpetamise riikliku mobiliseerimiskomitee esimees (Chicago lühike ajalugu ja 1968. aasta demokraatlik konventsioon). Rennie Davis ja Tom Hayden olid üliõpilaste demokraatliku ühiskonna (SDS) liikmed. Abbie Hoffman ja Jerry Rubin olid noorte rahvusvahelise partei (YIPPIES) juhid. Lee Weiner oli Loodeülikooli teadusassistent. John Froines oli Oregoni ülikooli ülikooli professor. Bobby Seale oli Black Panthersi asutaja. (Chicago lühike ajalugu ja 1968. aasta demokraatlik konvend.)

Kohtuprotsess oli kohtunik Julias Hoffmani ees 24. septembril 1969 (Chicago 8 kohtuprotsess avatakse Chicagos). Süüdistatavad rääkisid kohtunikuga pidevalt. Seale oli eriti häiriv ja nimetas Hoffmani korduvalt rassistideks, fašistideks ja sigadeks. Seale ’s kohtuprotsess viidi teistelt üle 5. novembril ja talle esitati süüdistus eraldi (Chicago 8 kohtuprotsess avatakse Chicagos). Neist sai “Chicago 7 ”. Dellinger, Davis, Hayden, Hoffman ja Ruben mõisteti süüdi selles, et nad ründasid riiki mässu õhutamiseks ja põletavate kõnede pidamiseks eesmärgi saavutamiseks. ” Neid kõiki karistati 5000 dollari suuruse rahatrahviga, millele lisandusid kohtukulud, ning neile määrati viis aastat vangistust (1968, demokraat Konventsioon).

1968. aasta valimiste ajal juhtis vabariiklane Richard Nixon oma kampaaniat, mille teemaks oli "Õigus ja kord". Humphrey tegi kampaania Johnsoni suurepäraste ühiskonnaprogrammide jätkamiseks. Lõpuks sai keskseks teemaks sõda. Riik oli lõhestatud ja Humphreyt tulid sõjavastased meeleavaldajad iga kord, kui ta kohale ilmus. Valimised lõppesid tihedalt, kuid Nixon võitis rahvahääletusel 43,4% Humphrey ja 42,7% (USA presidendivalimised, 1968). Protestitegevus oli vastuolus vabariiklaste seadustega ja korraga. Nixon lõi muutuste välimuse, täieliku ülemineku praegusest administratsioonist. See kõik võib põhjustada valimiste kaotuse. 1972. aastal saavutas Nixon taas ülekaaluka võidu 23,2 -protsendilise võidumarginaaliga (USA presidendivalimised, 1968).

2008. aasta demokraatide konvendil oli USA taas sõjaajal ja pettunud praeguses süsteemis. DNC ettevalmistamiseks moodustati suur rühm nimega “Recreate 󈨈 ”. Selle organisatsiooni nimi oli mõeldud tähelepanu äratamiseks ja 1968. aasta vaimu taastamiseks (kes me oleme). Kui rühm konvendile saabus, kohtuti nendega ametliku demonstratsioonitsooniga. See tsoon oli konverentsisaalist (Jaffe) ligi 300 meetri kaugusel. Meeleavaldajad nimetasid seda vabaduspuuriks ja#8221. Seda tsooni ümbritses kaks tarakihti valge telgi taga, mis oli meedia jaoks üles seatud. Kui meeleavaldajad soovisid marssida, oli nende jaoks ette nähtud marsruut. See marsruut viis nad konverentsipaigast (Jaffe) enam kui veerand miili kaugusele.

Recreate 68 ′ ja teised protestirühmitused üritasid Denveri linna kohtusse kaevata, et saada konventsioonile lähemale, kuid föderaalkohtunik jäi plaanidesse. Konverentsi juhtiv planeerija Katherine Archuleta märkis: “Inimesed võivad minna ja tulla nii, nagu neile meeldib. Teine asi, mida me demonstratsioonitsoonis teeme, on varustada lava, kõlarid ja mikrofon, et neid oleks võimalik kuulda kaugemal. Ja see on linna roll ja tasakaalu leidmine turvalisuse ja turvalisuse ning nende inimeste õiguste vahel, kes tuleksid ja tahaksid oma häält tõsta. politsei ei andnud neile õiget õigust protestida.

1968. aasta DNC viis aasta tunded kokku tohutu raevu. See avalik korrarikkumine väljaspool DNC -d viis demokraadid muutma seda, kuidas nad oma konventsioone kontrollivad. Kas protestijate sumpamine läheb liiga kaugele? Kas on võimalik säilitada turvalisus, õige kuvand ja lubada siiski vabadust protestida? Chicago konventsioonist on möödas nelikümmend aastat. Loodetavasti leitakse tulevikus õige tasakaal kontrolli ja sõnavabaduse vahel


Lõppmärkused

1. David F. Schmitz, Richard Nixon ja Vietnami sõda (Ameerika: Rowman & amp; Littlefield, 2014), 2.

2. David Halberstam, Quagmire'i valmistamine: Ameerika ja Vietnam Kennedy ajastul (New York: Rowman & amp; Littlefield, 2008), 8.

3. Pierre Asselin, Vietnami Ameerika sõda: ajalugu, (Ühendkuningriik Cambridge, 2018), 125.

4. Mike Royko, Boss Richard J. Daley Chicagost (USA: Penguin Group, 1971), 93.

5. Frank Kusch, Chicago lahinguväli: politsei ja 1968. aasta demokraatlik rahvuskonvent, (USA: Praeger Publishers, 2004), 7.


Rahutused puhkesid demokraatide rahvuskongressil

USA Demokraatliku Partei 1968. aasta Demokraatlik Rahvuskonvent toimus 26. augustist kuni 29. augustini 1968 Chicagos, Illinoisis, rahvusvahelises amfiteatris.

Demokraatliku rahvuskonvendi eesmärk oli valida sobiv kandidaat, kes kandideeriks Demokraatliku Partei valikuks Ameerika Ühendriikide presidendi kohale.

Kuna Ameerika Ühendriikide sündmused kukkusid üha kiiremini Ameerika elanike vastu, kujunes 1968. aasta kiiresti raevuaastaks. Kogu Ameerikas olid emotsioonid laes. Pinged saavutasid haripunkti, kui mõrvati kaks liidrit, need, kes olid põlvkonnale lootuse lubaduse toonud. Kodanikuõiguste liikumisele tuli karm löök, kui Martin Luther King juunior mõrvati 4. aprillil 1968, millele järgnes ühe sõjavastase liikumise lootja Robert F. Kennedy mõrv 5. juunil (6. juunil) 5. juuni varahommikul, suri 26 tundi hiljem), 1968.

Chicago linnapea Richard J. Daley kavatses näidata oma ja linna saavutusi rahvusdemokraatidele ja meediale. Selle asemel pälvis menetlus meedia tähelepanu ja tuntust, kuna meeleavaldajaid oli palju ja Chicago politsei kasutas jõudu selle ajal, mis pidi olema, nagu Yippie aktivistide korraldajad nimetasid, „A Festival of Life”. Mässud, mis seejärel toimusid meeleavaldajate ning Chicago politseiosakonna ja Illinoisi rahvuskaardi vahel, said massimeediast hästi teada, kelle osa liikmetest koges omal nahal seda, mida ka Chicago meeleavaldajad kannatasid. Tolleaegsed lugupeetud uudistejuhid Mike Wallace ja Dan Rather olid Chicago politsei poolt Demokraatliku konventsiooni saalides viibides koledad.

Peaesineja oli Hawaiilt pärit USA senaator Daniel Inouye.

Mõni vastasseis on plaanis. Mõned on spontaansed. See oli plaanis, kuid midagi ei juhtunud nii, nagu pidi. Mitu kuud enne Chicago konverentsi otsustasid kogenud liikumisaktivistid, et see oleks ideaalne koht, kus astuda vastu "süsteemile" ja nõuda Vietnami sõja lõpetamist. Nad kutsusid sadat tuhat inimest demonstreerima. Chicago linn vastas sellele, keeldudes luba andmast igaks marsiks ja ainult üheks miitinguks.


"Kogu maailm vaatab!"

Selleks ajaks, kui Chicago võõrustas 1968. aasta demokraatlikku rahvuskongressi, oli linn Ameerika poliitilise maailma keskus. Alates 1904. aastast olid vabariiklased pidanud linnas üheksa korda ja kuus korda demokraadid. Kuigi linn oli juba mitukümmend aastat kindlalt demokraatide juhtkonna käes, oli osariik presidendivalimistel konkurentsivõimeline, olles alates 1920. aastast kõikidel valimistel võitnud kandidaat. Chicago linnapea Richard J. Daley ja rahvuslik demokraatlik partei lootis, et korraldades Chicagos oma poliitilise konvendi, suudavad nad võita osariigi ja presidendi Lyndon Johnsoni tagasivalimise 1968. aastal.

Ajalugu aga sekkus. Kui sõda Vietnamis muutus üha ebapopulaarsemaks ja rahutused haarasid rahvast, üllatas Johnson kõiki võistlusest loobumisega. Meeleolukas esmane kampaania nägi populaarse valikuna esile New Yorgi senaatorit Robert F. Kennedyt, kes tapeti pärast 5. juunil toimunud California eelvalimiste võitu. Ükski ülejäänud kandidaatidest ei haaranud populaarset kujutlusvõimet päris nagu Kennedy. Rahulolematus sõjapüüdlustega, kodanikuõigusi käsitlevate õigusaktide tajutud ebaefektiivsus ning meeleheide Martin Luther King juunioride aprillikuu ja Kennedy juunis toimunud mõrvade pärast muutsid linna augustiks pulbrivahuks.


Dr Martin Luther King Jr. matuserongkäik Atlantas, 9. aprill 1968. Foto: Declan Haun, ICHi-173515


Lapsed jätsid Robert F. Kennedyga hüvasti, kui tema matuserong sõidab New Yorgist Washingtoni, 8. juunil 1968. Foto: Declan Haun, ICHi-062718

Konvendivälistel protestidel oli paljuski sama palju õiguspäraste vahendite puudumist valimisprotsessi mõjutamiseks kui vistseraalse vastuseisuga Vietnami sõjale. 1968. aastal toimusid eelvalimised vähem kui pooltes osariikides, mis tähendab, et kandidaadi määramise otsustasid erakonna ülemused, kes toetasid peaaegu eranditult asepresidenti Hubert Humphreyt, tagades talle nominatsiooni, kuigi ta ei osalenud ühelgi eelvalimistel, mistõttu paljud valijad tundsid end võimetuna. Lisaks toetas Humphrey avalikult Johnsoni sõjastrateegiat, hoolimata tema isiklikest reservatsioonidest, et potentsiaalse ülemjuhatajana tugev ja otsustav välja näha.


Stseen rahvusvahelise amfiteatri sees konventsiooni ajal. Hoolimata ürituste korraldajate pingutustest mõjutasid linna rahutused sisemist menetlust. Chicago, 26.-29. august 1968. ICHi-093668

Kui konvent algas esmaspäeval, 26. augustil rahvusvahelises amfiteatris, kogunesid meeleavaldajad Lincolni parki põhjaküljel ja Grant Parki kesklinna. Meeleavaldustel osalesid sellised rühmitused nagu Rahvusvaheline Noortepidu, Rahvuslik Mobilisatsioonikomitee Vietnami sõja lõpetamiseks, Demokraatliku Ühiskonna Üliõpilased ja kohalikud aktivistide organisatsioonid. Iga päeva ja ööga kasvas rahvahulk kuni 28. augusti õhtuni, mil pingeid ei suudetud enam ohjeldada. Chicago politseijaoskond ja Illinoisi rahvuskaart kolisid sisse ning olukord muutus vägivaldseks. Kui politsei kasutas rahvahulga hajutamiseks jõudu, kuulis riiklik televisiooni publik meeleavaldajaid skandeerimas: "Kogu maailm vaatab!"

Maailm tõepoolest jälgis, kuid maailm nägi siiski protestijate lootust. Selle asemel, et verisele noortele kaasa tunda, süüdistas enamus ameeriklasi meeleavaldajaid kaose pärast ning austas politseid ja Daleyt tänavatel korra tagamise eest. Vabariiklaste presidendikandidaat, endine asepresident Richard M. Nixon positsioneeris end „õiguskorra” kandidaadina ning suutis kanda Illinoisi ja võita presidendivalimised kaheksa aastat pärast selle kaotamist.

Selle sündmuse viiekümnenda aastapäeva tähistamiseks lõi Chicago ajaloomuuseum koostöös Geoffrey Alan Rhodesega Chicago Kunstiinstituudi koolist Chicago ØØ: 1968. aasta DNC protestid, virtuaalse reaalsuse kogemus. Viieteistkümneminutiline 3D VR-tuur koos jutustamisega on mõeldud vaatamiseks YouTube'is või Facebookis 360. IPhone'is kasutage töölaual YouTube'i rakendust Chrome'i brauser. 360-kraadiseid fotosid saab uurida Google'i tänavavaates.


Vaata erksaid värvilisi fotosid 1968. aasta demokraatliku konventsiooni protestidest

1968. aastal Chicagos toimunud demokraatlikust rahvuskongressist loobudes võiks TIME ’s fotode portfelli sõnumi taandada ühele lausele: “Chicago pildid jäävad kampaania ajal demokraate kummitama ja ajakiri teatas.

Ligi pool sajandit hiljem, kui Demokraatlik Partei kohtus kord vastu, et ametlikult presidendikandidaat välja valida, on see sõnum teatud määral tõsi. 1968. Tol aastal ja#8217s konventsioonil, mis oli ka fotograafiliselt kajastatud ajakirja LIFE lehtedel, sündis stseen, mida TIME nimetas sanktsioonideks ja#8221, kui vasakpoolsed meeleavaldajad põrkasid kokku raskekäeliste Chicago politseijõududega.

Billy klubide, pisargaasi ja Mace'iga rikkusid sinisärgis sinise kiivriga politseinikud lugematute süütute kodanike kodanikuõigusi ja olid vastuolus kõigi aktsepteeritud kutselise politseidistsipliini eeskirjadega.

Keegi ei saanud süüdistada Chicago politseinikke diskrimineerimises. Nad ründasid metsikult hipisid, jippisid, uusi vasakpoolseid, revolutsionääre, teisitimõtlevaid demokraate, uudistejuhte, fotograafe, möödujaid, vaimulikke ja vähemalt üht sandist. Winston Churchilli ja#8217 ajakirjaniku lapselaps sai jämedaks. Playboy‘s Hugh Hefner tabas tagakülge … Politsei ohverdas isegi Suurbritannia parlamendi liikme, proua Anne Kerri, puhkava leiboristi, kes tegeles väljaspool Conrad Hiltoni ja kihutas sulgemise juurde.

… ”Kasutatud jõud oli vajalik jõud, ja nõudis, et politseiülem James Conlisk Jr.

Chicago linnapea Richard J. Daleyt peeti meetodi taga meheks. TIME ja#8217 loendamise järgi oli ta kasvatanud 11 900-mehelist Chicago PD-d koos 5000 osariigi rahvuskaartlase ja 6500 föderaalväelasega. Vastasseisu tipphetk saabus õhtul, mil konvend esitas presidendiks Hubert Humphrey, sest tuhanded ohvitserid panid meeleavaldajateks, kes otsustasid, mida teha, kui nad ei saa konverentsisaali marssida.

TIME ’s kaamerad olid kohal kogu vägivaldse nädala, jäädvustades selliseid pilte nagu siin.


1968 Rahutused Chicago demokraatlikul rahvuskongressil - AJALUGU

1967. aasta lõppedes ootasid Chicagolased head aastat. Kohalik majandus õitses, seda toetasid valitsuse kaitselepingud ja Suure ühiskonna sotsiaalhoolekandekulud. Chicago, kus oli üle kolme ja poole miljoni inimese, oli riigi suuruselt teine ​​linn, mis oli täis töökaid inimesi hästi tasustatud töökohti.

Kuid 1968 muutus kiiresti hapuks. Riiklikud sõjavastased organisatsioonid teatasid, et hakkavad augustis demokraatliku rahvuskonvendi ajal Chicagos protestima. Chicagos elav koomik ja kodanikuõiguste aktivist Dick Gregory ähvardas konventsiooninädalasel meeleavaldusel, kui linn ei saa avatud eluasemearvet ja edendab Aafrika-Ameerika politseinikke kõrgetele ametikohtadele.

4. aprillil tabas katastroof Martin Luther King juuniori mõrva. Kolm päeva varem oli Chicago Tribune toimetanud oma toetuse vastu Memphise kanalisatsioonitöötajate löömisele, nimetades teda "riigi kõige kurikuulsamaks valetajaks". Linnahallis toimunud mälestusteenistusel esitas praost Jesse Jackson poliitilisele institutsioonile süüdistuse, hüüatades: „Veri on nende rinnal ja kätel, kes ei oleks kuningat eile siin vastu võtnud.”

Hoolimata linna Aafrika -Ameerika juhtkonna taotlustest, täitsid mässulised Lawndale'i tänavaid, rüüstasid ja põletasid. Põlesid ka lõunakülje osad. Plahvatuse ajal üritas Chicago politsei, järgides politseiülema James B. Conliski korraldusi, kasutada minimaalset jõudu ja vältida tarbetut verevalamist. Kui kord aga taastati, ründas linnapea Richard J. Daley Conliski lähenemist: „Ütlesin talle väga rõhutatult ja väga kindlalt, et ta annab viivitamata ja tema allkirja all käsu tulistada, et tappa kõik süütajad. . . ja anda politsei korraldus tulistada, et sandistada või sandistada kõiki, kes meie linna kauplusi rüüstavad. ” Hiljem taganes linnapea oma äärmuslikust positsioonist.

Sellest hoolimata ei tahtnud võimud neli kuud hiljem, kui konventsioon tuli, korrarikkumisi. Kaugel piiritletud rahvusvahelisest amfiteatrist, kus Hubert Humphrey võitis presidendikandidaadi, kohtusid meeleavaldajad ja politsei vihaste vastasseisudega. Halvim juhtus 28. augustil pärast seda, kui politsei peatas meeleavaldajate konverentsikeskusesse marssimise. Michigani avenüü ja Balbo Drive'i lähedusse sattus umbes 10 000 -pealine rahvahulk. Kui meeleavaldajad skandeerisid "Kogu maailm vaatab" ja telemeeskonnad filmisid, peksid politseinikud sadu meeleavaldajaid veriseks. Umbes 83 miljonit ameeriklast, kes vaatasid televiisorit, et näha demokraatlikku protsessi tööl, nägid hoopis tänavamässu.

Vägivald mürgitas Humphrey pakkumist kohalikul ja riiklikul tasandil. Erinevalt 1960. aastast ei suutnud Chicago demokraatlik masin piisavalt hääli koguda. Illinois, nagu ka rahvas, läks vabariiklasteks. 1968. aasta lõpuks oli Chicagost saanud tühistatud rahva traagiline sümbol.


CHICAGO GAY, LESBIA, BI, TRANSI JA KÜSIMUSE ÜHENDUSE HÄÄL Alates 1985. aastast

Seda artiklit on alates 28. maist 2008 jagatud 18676 korda

21. sajandil on 'Stonewall ' aktsepteeritud moesõna Ameerika Ühendriikide geide vabastusliikumise alguseks. See tekitab nägemuse baarist röövivatest Greenwichi küla politseinikest, keda terroriseerisid Stonewall Innis hunnik vihaseid kuningannasid, kes loopisid kive, pudeleid, Molotovi kokteili ja hüüdeid, mis meenutavad Network ( 'I 'm, mida ei kavatse võtta seda enam! ' ).

Kuid Chicagos tegid selle juunipäeva sündmused 1969. aastal vaevu lainetust. Mäss polnud kohe üleriigiline uudis. Kogu riigis eksisteerisid mõned kohalikud geilehed, kuid tõelist riiklikku geiajakirjandust polnud. Kui New Yorgist pärit sõna lõpuks siia jõudis, salvestati see juuli Mattachine Midwest uudiskirjas sama rõhuasetusega kui Queensi linnaosa valvsate elanikega seotud teemal, kes kampaanias, mis väidetavalt külastas naabrusparki, oli maha raiunud kümneid oma puid. Kirjaniku William B. Kelley sõnul kirjutas New York Times vähemalt kolm päeva lugusid, ühe toimetuse ja ühe kirja. Nad olid puude lõikamise vastu. '

Chicago geid otsustasid status quo vaidlustada tänavatel kohtutes. Linnas, mis ilmus 1968. aastal ja millel oli üleriigiline maine politsei jõhkruse poolest, oli kaalutlusõigus tõepoolest vapruse parem osa. Reisi juhtum, mis vaidlustas baaride sulgemise, läks Illinoisi ülemkohtusse Mattachine Midwest Newsletteri toimetaja David Stieneckeri juhtumi raames kaitsma teda süüdistuste eest, mille esitas ametnik, kes arreteeris homod teetubades ja#40 avalikes pesuruumides. Kuigi need kaks juhtumit olid aeglasemad ja tagasihoidlikumad kui Stonewall, viisid Chicago homod rõhumise ja diskrimineerimise vastases võitluses reaktiivse asemel proaktiivseks.

Chicago ja Stonewalliga samaväärsed said alguse 40 aastat tagasi politsei rinnaesistusega The Tripis, homodele kuuluvas restoran-baarikompleksis aadressil 27 E. Ohio St. -korruse mängutuba piljardilaua ja flipperimängudega At midday, because of its location just west of North Michigan Avenue, the restaurant catered to luncheon crowds of shoppers, often featuring women's fashion shows. The area was undergoing an upswing a few gritty hotels with questionable clientele remained, but new upscale businesses were mediating the fringes of adjacent Rush Street nightlife. On the borderline, The Trip became quite gay after the dinner hour, and on Sundays it operated as a private club.

One Sunday in January 1968, police raided The Trip, arresting 13 patrons on charges of public indecency and soliciting for prostitution. A plainclothes officer had gained entry by using a membership card obtained illegally during an unrelated arrest and made the charges after observing members dancing together as same-sex couples.

When the case came to court in March, attorney Ralla Klepak defended, and charges against patrons and management were dismissed. The Mattachine Midwest Newsletter, reporting on the incident, saw it as an illustration of further harassment by police, noting that dancing was not illegal per se and that the ACLU would welcome an opportunity for a test case. ( In 1970 The Trip would become one of the first venues to have same-sex dancing, even before Chicago Gay Liberation picketed bars for that right. )

A second raid in May 1968 by two plainclothesmen resulted in the arrests of one patron and one employee but, more significantly, the local liquor authorities issued an emergency closing order pending appeal on the revocation of The Trip's liquor license. This was common practice in Chicago and a kiss of death for gay bars. If they appealed the order ( the appellate process could drag on for months ) they had to remain closed pending a decision meanwhile their clientele moved on and they were effectively put out of business. The Trip had barely been open a year, the bad publicity from the earlier raid had ruined its luncheon business, and owners Dean Kolberg and Ralf Johnston were not about to see their investment tank.

The Trip hired attorney Elmer Gertz to mount a case against the License Appeal Commission of Chicago after it upheld the license revocation. The Mattachine Midwest Newsletter reported that no gay bar had previously challenged being shut down before The Trip case. It took a significant amount of time for the case to wend its way to the Illinois Supreme Court. The final decision ( a complete reversal ) was in Johnkol, Inc. v. License Appeal Commission of Chicago, 42 Ill. 2d 377, 247 N.E.2d 901 ( 1969 ) .

Meanwhile, even though closed during 1968, The Trip hosted a variety of movement events. The North American Conference of Homophile Organizations ( NACHO ) , a coordinating group made up of delegates from 26 organizations, met there for its third annual nationwide conference, just days before the Democratic National Convention riots. Mattachine Midwest also held its monthly public meetings there while the business was closed.

Mattachine Midwest was an independent corporation created in 1965 after years of failure to sustain local chapters of the West Coast-headquartered organizations Mattachine Society and Daughters of Bilitis. The impetus for the new organization was a particularly brutal raid on the Fun Lounge, a rather sleazy suburban bar that packed in a queer clientele on weekends. The Chicago Tribune led off the report in its April 26, 1964, edition with a headline indicating eight teachers had been seized in a 'vice raid' that also netted 95 other men and six women. The article listed names, addresses and occupations of those arrested ( a common practice of the time ) along with asides that 'many of the men carried powder puffs and lipsticks' and that a quantity of 'freshly shipped' marijuana had been seized. Subsequently there were reports of job losses and a rumored suicide.

Though The Trip had been allowed to reopen, the police still visited in 1971 a patron was arrested on the old-standby charge of public indecency, but the charge was dismissed. The owners became overly protective of their business, allegedly refusing to call police when a Mattachine officer was robbed at gunpoint while at a meeting with an outof-state activist on the third floor. In a 1972 on-site interview with the owners, Chicago Today columnist Barbara Ettorre noted the bar was full, with men from all walks of life, all ages, every manner of dress. The bar's management told her that weekends were 'crowded wall-to-wall' and that they had a uniformed Andy Frain company usher to check IDs. They were going to make certain none of their patrons would be subject to arrest.

In 1968, Chicago was going through critical times, well beyond the constant harassment of the gay community. In addition to reports on bar raids and park arrests, Mattachine Midwest's referral service received many calls from draft resisters the anti-Vietnam War movement was well under way. Gays could not serve if identified when drafted: few wanted to go, but no one wanted to be branded with a stigma that would affect their economic and social lives.

After Dr. Martin Luther King's assassination in April 1968, Chicago's West Side erupted in four days of anguished riots and looting. The police and National Guard were called out the notorious 'shoot to kill' order was given. Then Bobby Kennedy, seen as the Democrats' likely candidate for president, was murdered. The Democratic Party's nominating convention was to be held in Chicago that August. Anti-war activists, a variety of New Left groups, old-line hippies, Yippies, and others were calling for people to come to Chicago and stage demonstrations at the convention site. Abe Peck, now self-described as 'hippie-rad editor turned journalism professor,' tried to dissuade misguided flower children from coming to the city, warning them in his counterculture newspaper The Seed about the potential for violence here.

In addition, many civil rights groups ( Black, women's, gay ) had been infiltrated by the FBI's COINTELPRO, a counterintelligence program whose goal was to disrupt, disorganize and cause internal dissension in an effort to neutralize a group's activities. The program originated in the Cold War anti-communist 1950s and perfected its 'dirty tricks' down through the Nixon administration. Its informants planted derogatory stories ( they had been responsible for labeling former Illinois Gov. Adlai Stevenson 'gay' during his bid for a presidential nomination ) they used anonymous letters and surveillance, embedded 'moles,' opened mail, blackmailed, and by other devious means invaded the rights of U.S. citizens.

Chicago police also had their covert group, the Red Squad. This group in various incarnations had its origin all the way back in the days following the Haymarket labor riot of 1886 in which seven policemen were killed and dozens injured. The objects of the squad's covert activities switched over the years from anarchists, to communists, to any left-leaning organizations of the civil rights era.

In the early 1970s when attorney Rick Gutman of the Alliance to End Repression ( of which Mattachine Midwest was a member ) was about to challenge the Red Squad in court on constitutional grounds, the squad reportedly destroyed thousands of files. Activist John Chester, who in 1972 was the first open gay on the Alliance's Steering Committee, reports that he 'replaced a woman who was a Red Squad spy.' Historians have speculated many of the threats that Mayor Richard J. Daley said ( after the convention protests ) had prompted him to order the police and National Guard to clamp down on demonstrators were 'planted' by one of the embedded groups ( COINTELPRO or the Red Squad ) and then reported by the other as fact.

Red Squad records are sealed at the Chicago History Museum ( until 2012 ) , but when finally disbanded, the squad was reported to have accumulated files on more than 250,000 individuals and 14,000 organizations. As part of the settlement of the suit against the Red Squad, it was learned that the squad had also obtained information at the first gay political convention, called in Chicago in February 1972 to develop demands for a gay plank to be presented at the major party conventions.

The 1968 NACHO convention at The Trip was held Aug. 11 through 18. Activists from around the country converged and passed a 'Homo sexual Bill of Rights.' One item demanded a national policy that had been law in Illinois since 1961, that sexual acts by consenting adults in private would not be held to be criminal. A motion by pioneering activist Franklin E. Kameny made 'Gay Is Good' the slogan of the movement.

Meanwhile, the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam ( the MOBE ) and other protest groups were arriving daily. On Wednesday, Aug. 21, the MOBE failed in its attempt to get an injunction against the city in U.S. District Court to preclude the refusal of permits for a variety of activities, and the ban against sleeping in the parks.

Late Thursday, Aug. 22, on Wells Street in the Old Town area just west of Lincoln Park, two young runaways were being pursued by police. One, Jerome Johnson, a 17-year-old Native American from South Dakota, allegedly produced a handgun and was shot and killed by Youth Officer John Manley of the Damen Avenue District. An April 1970 article by Ron Dorfman in the Chicago Journalism Review reported it as 'the only fatality remotely connected with the Democratic National Convention of 1968 . touching off the first angry rally in the park the week before the convention.' Word spread quickly and a memorial march was held.

After the rally on Sunday, Aug. 25, as poet Allen Ginsberg and a group of gays were 'omming' peacefully in Lincoln Park past the 11 p.m. curfew, police weighed in with batons swinging. The Chicago Tribune Magazine later called this the 'beginning' of the convention riots, the first large-scale police-public confrontation.

The David Stienecker case

David Stienecker had come to Chicago originally from the small town of Climax, Mich. In the mid-1960s he met Bill Kelley and Ira Jones, who were active in Mattachine Midwest they prevailed upon him to join the organization. In 1966 Stienecker heard New York activist Craig Rodwell speak at an MM public meeting. Rod-well was a native Chicagoan who would return to New York and later open Oscar Wilde Memorial Bookshop, the country's first gay bookstore. Stienecker said he was 'blown away by his frankness and activism' and they had a brief affair Stienecker followed Rodwell to New York.

On Wednesday, Aug. 28, 1968, Stienecker, still in New York, watched the fateful televised report of the police beating demonstrators across from the Conrad Hilton Hotel, convention headquarters. He returned to Chicago in December to find Mattachine Midwest embroiled in a variety of actions to ward off increasing police harassment. President Jim Bradford and attorney Renee Hanover were meeting with police commanders in attempts to mitigate the violence. Stienecker became editor of the MM Newsletter and joined in reporting and pursuing the issues.

Throughout 1969, activism also continued around the trial of those charged during convention week: the 'Chicago Seven,' as they became known after Black Panther Bobby Seale was bound, gagged, and subsequently removed from court for protesting the legitimacy of the trial. When U.S. Attorney Thomas A. Foran characterized the convention riots as 'a freaking fag revolution,' Chicago gay activists printed up buttons with the phrase. MM and its officers individually wrote protest letters to the mainstream press.

The number of entrapment arrests escalated in the parks and tearooms. 'You have to remember that at this time in Chicago the only way you heard about things was by word of mouth,' Stienecker told John Poling in 2002 during an interview for Poling's thesis on Mattachine Midwest. The organization's answering service and newsletter were the only game in town. Members and the gay grapevine reported on the increased police activities.

Stienecker thought that one zealous officer with a reputation for physical violence merited particular attention and that the community should be warned against him: 'It wasn't a matter of hearing about one incident, but rather hearing almost weekly about another Officer Manley entrapment that finally made us realize this was serious and something had to be done. People's lives were at stake, not necessarily physically, but every other way. . I think there was something seriously wrong with Manley, but I'm not sure what it was. I wanted to get under his skin and we all wanted these incidents to stop.'

Draft resistance and the anti-war movement had also been increasing in intensity. A popular film comedy, The Gay Deceivers, centered on two straight guys passing as gay to avoid the draft. It didn't sit too well with gays for whom this was a critical issue.

But when Stienecker wrote about Manley in the September 1969 MM Newsletter ( see image, page 79 ) , he titled his article 'A Gay Deceiver, or Is He?' Describing Manley and his arrest techniques, Stienecker suggested that he enjoyed his work too much, and posited that it would be a great way for a closeted cop to get his rocks off and still come out smelling like a rose. The article mistakenly used 'Charles' instead of 'John' as the officer's name. In the October 1969 issue Stienecker ran a correction, with a brief follow-up and a photograph of Sgt. John Manley.

In early 1970 a newly formed gay group at the University of Chicago learned that Sgt. Manley was scheduled to speak Feb. 25 on 'Youthful Offenders' to the Women's Bar Association of Illinois. In the Feb. 6 issue of the Chicago Maroon and a concurrent Gay Liberation Newsletter, Step May, Nancy Garwood, and Bill Dry signed an article calling for a picket and leafleting of the WBAI protesting Manley's appearance. May and Garwood were later 'outed' to their parents in anonymous letters with a veiled warning about messing with a Chicago police officer. ( Dry was not a UC student and would go on to be a founder of Gay Liberation at Northwestern University. ) On the day of the demonstration when they saw Manley in person at the WBAI picket, one UC student, Alice Leiner, recognized him as having attended a planning meeting and passing himself off as an out-of-town gay activist named Mandrenas.

On the morning of Feb. 7, 1970, Manley himself showed up at David Stienecker's third-floor apartment with a warrant for his arrest on the charge of 'criminal defamation' ( Chapter 38, Section 27-1, Illinois Revised Statutes, since repealed ) . Stienecker told Poling: 'I wasn't sure if I was going to go to jail or be taken for a ride and beaten up. ( That was not uncommon in those days. ) So, yes, I was scared.'

Perhaps validating his earlier assessment of Manley, Stienecker also said the cop 'insisted on watching me dress in the bathroom.' ( In a later Chicago Journalism Review article, 'Mattachine editor arrested,' Ron Dorfman noted that the warrant for Stienecker's arrest had been issued in October 1969, shortly after the second Manley article had appeared. ) Stienecker told Poling that although Manley suggested he just plead guilty and the judge would give him 'a slap on the wrist,' he insisted on calling an attorney: 'I mention this because it shows the attitude of the cops at the time. They never believed a gay person would fight a charge.'

The March 1970 MM Newsletter headlined Stienecker's arrest, railed against Manley's contempt for freedom of the press, and noted this was 'the first case … in which an official of a homophile organization has been arrested for writing an article.' MM President Bradford wrote that he regarded Stienecker's arrest as a sign of Mattachine Midwest's effectiveness in the fight against police abuse. Both the MM and UC-CGL newsletters called for any information on Manley, urging anyone willing to testify to come forward. Attorney Renee Hanover represented Stienecker, and the case was eventually dropped because the prosecution hadn't made a case and Manley failed to make three court dates.

As their trial dragged through federal court, one of the Chicago Seven and other activist leaders, including Stienecker, were asked to speak at a rally at the Logan Monument in Grant Park. In its coverage of the event, the Chicago Tribune devoted a couple of paragraphs to Stienecker. His employer, World Book Encyclopedia, had seen the item, and a couple of months later he was fired ( an investigation indicated, because he was gay ) . Stienecker wanted to sue 'but the ACLU didn't think we had a good case because I quickly got a better job. I would also have to involve gay people [ from World Book ] who were very closeted, and it would have ruined their lives.'

It would be naive to conclude that these two cases ( The Trip's and Stienecker's ) on their own changed the treatment of gays in Chicago overnight. But they certainly gave notice for the first time, to the city and the police, that it wasn't going to be the same old, same old anymore.

More importantly, disparate gays alone, and in groups, understood that they too could stand up and fight for their rights. By mid-year there were gay groups on all the major college campuses in the area. New organizations ( CGA, IGLA, IGRTF ) began polling and political action. Lesbian and gay newsletters popped up everywhere. Former members of MM dispersed throughout the new organizations. Instead of just the Mattachine referral hotline there were now directories, newspapers, clinics, a lesbian center with a bookstore and library, social service organizations from Rogers Park to Hyde Park Beckman House and Gay Horizons, and a gay community center on West Elm Street.

In 1971 the president of the Chicago Gay Alliance presented the Judiciary Committee of the City Council with its first demand that amendments be added to existing housing and employment laws to include 'sexual orientation' in the list of prohibited forms of discrimination. In just a few years, with the old guard as midwives, a citywide community had been born.

This article shared 18676 times since Wed May 28, 2008

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What Happened at the 1968 Democratic National Convention?

The 1968 Democratic National Convention marked the nomination of Hubert Humphrey as the Democratic candidate for President, but it is remembered more for the riots and protests which surrounded it, along with the bitter contest for the nomination. The events of the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago marked the height of the 1960s protest movement, with demonstrators and police clashing in the streets of Chicago for over a week in the hot August weather. 40 years later, protesters attempted to “Recreate '68” at the Democratic and Republican National Conventions in Denver and Minneapolis/St. Paul respectively, with little success.

As early as 1967, major players in the protest movement were planning an epic series of protests for the 1968 Democratic National Convention. The idea was to get as many protesters there as possible, and to protest largely peacefully, but forcefully. Protest organizers from groups like the Youth International Party wanted to get a lot of coverage, attracting attention to issues like civil rights and the Vietnam War, and they certainly succeeded in this goal.

In the months preceding the Convention, protest groups filed permits for marches and rallies, often finding their requests stymied at every turn, while the city of Chicago prepared for an influx of demonstrators. Chicago Mayor Richard Daley indicated that he would take lawbreaking during the Convention very seriously, increasing the police presence in Chicago and requesting National Guard for backup. This created an explosive situation which appeared to be on a collision course with disaster.

The protests at the 1968 Democratic National Convention might have gone off reasonably peacefully with marches, concerts, and rallies, except that on 22 August, four days before the Convention officially began, an American Indian boy named Dean Johnson was shot and killed by the Chicago police. This sparked mass demonstrations and rioting in which hundreds of police officers and demonstrators were severely injured riot control agents like mace were utilized in an attempt to calm the crowd, along with billy clubs and mass arrests.

During the days of the actual Convention, the inside of the Convention Center was relatively peaceful, but the streets of Chicago were on fire, sometimes literally. Angry demonstrators boiled over, deviating from permitted marches and rallies, and the Chicago police fought back. In the wake of the convention, eight police officers were indicted, along with eight civilians, who came to be known as the Chicago 8. During the trial for the Chicago 8, winnowed to the Chicago 7 by the time they reached court in 1969, the defendants created a media circus, mouthing off to the judge and refusing to respect the rules of the courtroom.

The turmoil of the 1968 Democratic National Convention came in an already tumultuous year in American history Martin Luther King and Robert Kennedy had both been assassinated earlier in the year, and support for the Vietnam War was at a low ebb. The media seized upon the chaos with delight, and it undoubtedly contributed to Humphrey's defeat at the hands of Richard Nixon. Nixon's margin of victory was less than half a million votes, illustrating how closely split the American people were at this point in history.

Alates sellest ajast, kui ta hakkas saidile kaastööd tegema mitu aastat tagasi, on Mary võtnud vastu põneva väljakutse olla InfoBlumi teadlane ja kirjanik. Mary on omandanud vabade kunstide kraadi Goddardi kolledžist ning veedab vaba aega lugemise, söögitegemise ja õues avastamisega.

Alates sellest ajast, kui ta hakkas saidile kaastööd tegema mitu aastat tagasi, on Mary võtnud vastu põneva väljakutse olla InfoBlumi teadlane ja kirjanik. Mary on omandanud vabade kunstide kraadi Goddardi kolledžist ning veedab vaba aega lugemise, söögitegemise ja õues avastamisega.


When the resistance confronted Democrats in 1968, the crackdown was vicious

“I n 1968 the name Chicago won a significance far beyond date and place,” wrote political journalist Theodore H. White. “It became the title of an episode, like Waterloo, or Versailles, or Munich.” That was the year that Chicago hosted the Democratic National Convention, and witnessed a violent confrontation between the Vietnam War’s supporters and its critics. By the time the convention was over, hundreds of anti-war protesters had been beaten bloody in the streets by unrestrained police officers, doing the bidding of pro-war Democratic mayor Richard J. Daley. But the establishment didn’t emerge unscathed — the carefully constructed illusion of patriotic consensus around the war was dismantled in Chicago.

In the late sixties, the Democrats were in power, but there was also a crisis in the party. Resistance to the Vietnam War had been mounting for years, and liberals of some stripe were on both sides of the conflict. Lyndon B. Johnson was president, and as such he oversaw all war efforts in Southeast Asia. Meanwhile, the anti-war demonstrators “were the children of the Democratic Party,” said anti-war activist Marilyn Katz. Many were far to the left of the Democratic Party, but still they felt betrayed. “We expected nothing from Republicans. We expected everything from Democrats.”

The 1968 Democratic National Convention was shaping up to be a referendum on the war. Vice President Hubert Humphrey emerged as the clear front-runner. He reportedly had private concerns about the war, but Johnson had disciplined him on at least one occasion, and thereafter he toed the party line on the existential necessity of continuing the conflict overseas. Challenging Humphrey were George McGovern and Eugene McCarthy, who were both anti-war — especially McCarthy, whose slogan was “McCarthy for peace” and whose campaign made use of white dove imagery and the peace symbol.

As the convention date drew nearer, two to three hundred Americans were being killed in Vietnam every week. Many Vietnamese civilians were being needlessly murdered, too, as bombshell exposés in the American mass media had recently revealed. Martin Luther King Jr. was killed in April, shortly after speaking out against the Vietnam War for the first time. Anti-war protests were drawing up to 100,000 demonstrators in Washington, D.C. Everyone knew that it would all come to a head in Chicago.

“W e felt that we had to go from protest to resistance on a national scale because the war was expanding horrendously,” recalled David Dellinger, a longtime pacifist who coordinated the Chicago protests. Dellinger was joined in the protest preparations by Rennie Davis and Tom Hayden, two founders of the large and influential student activist group Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). Activist groups such as SDS and the National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam announced their intention to descend on the city. And so did some less serious players: the Yippies.

Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin were the movement’s irreverent tricksters. They had grown to prominence by executing a protest-cum-performance-piece in which they gathered people to encircle the Pentagon and attempted to levitate it with their minds. Hoffman and Rubin were media favorites, and were instrumental in driving the youth turnout in Chicago. They created the Yippies (Youth International Party) for that very purpose, announcing that they were planning to run a pig for president. The pig’s name was Pigasus.

The Yippies filed for an outlandish permit for a citywide festival at the same time as the convention, and told news media that the party would involve events such as nude swimming in Lake Michigan and dumping LSD into the water supply. The permit request and open invitation to the nation’s youth outraged Mayor Daley, a law-and-order politician and influential Democratic Party strongman who ruled the city with an iron fist. He may not have taken the threats literally, but he loathed the thought of the city being overrun with hippies, and prepared the police department for an invasion. He also stalled on distributing any permits, including to Dellinger, Davis, and Hayden.

Davis appealed to Justice Department official Roger Wilkins, who recognized his sincerity and attempted to negotiate with the mayor. “About five minutes into the conversation,” Wilkins remembers, “red started coming up from Daley’s collar, all up on these jowls, which seemed larger and larger and larger to me. And he launched into a monologue which lasted, I believe, 25 minutes. And when I started to interrupt and say, ‘But Mr. Mayor,’ he would just raise his voice.

“When I walked away from Daley’s office,” Wilkins says, “I thought, ‘We’re going to have violence. He’s going to unleash his police department.’”

“J ust before the convention, my mother called me up and said, ‘Be careful,’” remembers McCarthy delegate Richard Samuel. “I said, ‘Careful of what? This is America. I’m going out to Chicago, I’m going to express a minority point of view, I’m going to lose, and I’m going to go home.’ I just didn’t see what the big deal was. When the plane landed, there were ranks of soldiers all over the place, and we felt like we’d flown into the middle of a military camp.”

On Sunday, August 25, the day before the convention, 2,000 protesters convened in Lincoln Park. The atmosphere was largely celebratory — Beat poet Allen Ginsberg led everyone in a meditative chant. But Daley’s police hovered at the park’s perimeter, and tension mounted as night approached. The protesters were determined to sleep in the park, but several thousand police lined up and fired teargas at the crowd. As people fled, the police rushed them with nightsticks and began beating anyone they could reach.

This was the beginning of three days of open conflict on the streets of Chicago. A government account, known as the Walker Report, later found that the convention protests had consisted of:

unrestrained and indiscriminate police violence on many occasions, particularly at night. That violence was made all the more shocking by the fact that it was often inflicted upon persons who had broken no law, disobeyed no order, made no threat. These included peaceful demonstrators, onlookers, and large numbers of residents who were simply passing through, or happened to live in the areas where confrontations were occurring.

Inside the convention on Monday, August 26, Richard Daley himself was the master of ceremonies. He began the proceedings by condemning the protesters outside, saying, “We have no flag burners in this Democratic National Convention, and I don’t think any of them would belong here.” Anti-war delegates were subsequently harassed on the floor: officials went around checking their credentials every 10 or 15 minutes, and when they objected, a fray occurred and a dangerous crowd crush ensued. The police took the occasion to forcibly drag anti-war delegates out of the convention.

In his nominating speech for McGovern, Connecticut senator Abraham Ribicoff said, “With George McGovern as president of the United States, we wouldn’t have to have Gestapo tactics in the streets of Chicago!” The crowd erupted in cheers and boos. Daley said something inaudible many lip readers have concluded that his words were “Fuck you, you Jew son of a bitch.”

On August 28, more than 10,000 protesters arrived in Grant Park for the biggest demonstration of the convention. Though not conclusive, it was reported later that, “according to Army sources, as many as one in six protesters at the Chicago ’68 protests were really undercover military intelligence agents. There were local police and FBI agents planted throughout the antiwar movement, often urging their cohorts to ever more daring feats of resistance.”

But there were many genuinely angry young anti-war activists, too, and after days of arrests and beatings in the streets, they were on fire. A teenage boy climbed the flagpole in the park and lowered the American flag. The police moved in and arrested him, dragging him through the crowd and shoving him into a squad car. The crowd began throwing objects at the police, and chaos ensued. “I told people, ‘Sit down, sit down, don’t throw anything,’” recalls Dellinger. “That’s exactly what they want. They want to start a riot.” Davis asked the police to withdraw, but they advanced instead. They targeted Davis specifically, and beat him unconscious.

The police violence escalated, and the rhetoric and tactics from some activist speakers grew increasingly agitated This dismayed some of the nonviolent elements of the movement, and the leadership of the demonstrations fractured, with Dellinger urging caution and Hayden coaxing rebellion. Hayden grabbed the mic from Dellinger and advised the crowd to disperse in an disorganized manner throughout Chicago, saying:

If blood is going to flow, let it flow all over the city. If gas is going to be used, let that gas come down all over Chicago and not just over us in the park. That if the police are going to run wild, let them run wild all over this city and not over us. If we are going to be disrupted and violated, let this whole stinking city be disrupted and violated.

Night fell, and activists remember seeing police emerge from the thick haze of teargas, clutching their nightsticks, like a scene from a war movie. anks rolled through the streets. The teargas was so voluminous that it disturbed Hubert Humphrey in his hotel room, causing him to take refuge in the shower. For their part, many protesters simply walked and chanted, but others lit trash fires, blocked roads, taunted policemen, and on a few occasions attacked them.

The climax occurred at the Conrad Hilton Hotel, the site of the convention. The ratio of police to protesters was roughly one to one, though the police had weapons and license to do violence. They used their nightsticks, their fists, and their feet to beat protesters and bystanders alike. They were no longer just following orders — they were acting out of rage. Historian David Farber writes:

Policemen came at the tightly packed crowd from all sides. Some officers attacked people watching from the sidewalks. Others pursued fleeing demonstrators for blocks. One of the first groups of police reinforcements, furious over reports of injured comrades, stormed off their bus chanting, “Kill! Kill! Kill!” A police lieutenant sprayed Mace indiscriminately at a crowd watching the street battle. Policemen pushed a small group of bystanders and peaceful protesters through a large plate glass window and then attacked the bleeding and dazed victims as they lay among the glass shards. Policemen on three-wheeled motorcycles, one of them screaming, “Wahoo!” ran people over.

The most intense period of assault lasted about 20 minutes. Nearly the whole time, protesters chanted in unison, “The whole world is watching! The whole world is watching!”

T his event came to be known as the “Battle of Michigan Avenue.” The battle’s generals were arrested on charges of conspiracy to incite a riot. Abbie Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, David Dellinger, Tom Hayden, Rennie Davis, John Froines, and Lee Weiner were the defendants. An eighth defendant, Black Panther Party member Bobby Seale, was tried separately for contempt of court.

The judge at the conspiracy trial was Julius Hoffman, who thought it necessary to remind the courtroom that he was not related to Abbie Hoffman. At this, Abbie cried out, “Father, why have you forsaken me?” The moment encapsulated the generational divide: the youth movement felt, especially after 1968, that the system controlled by their elders was broken beyond repair.

The defendants, who’d come to be known as the Chicago Seven, were all found guilty, as was Seale, though all eight eventually had their convictions overturned. Humphrey became the Democratic Party nominee and lost to Nixon. The battle ended in an uneasy truce, and the stalemate stretched into the early seventies. But the legacy of ’68 lived on in the increasing willingness of some Democratic Party politicians to speak out against the war. The whole world truly had been watching, and the party could no longer pretend that the war was universally supported.

Todd Gitlin of SDS was there that day. He writes, “One may rue the overindulgences” of the protests of ’68, “while still recognizing that the movements of the time were preludes to a necessary enlargement of democracy, freedom and moral seriousness. The good of this immense effort outweighs the bad, though — as with so many laudable efforts — it reminds us of unfulfilled promises.”


Vaata videot: Американский беспредел в Миннеаполисе LIVE. 37 (Juuli 2022).


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